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Greenland – Europe’s Litmus Test

President Trump has now turned his attention from Venezuela to Greenland. In an interview with The Atlantic on Sunday, he reiterated that he “absolutely” needs Greenland. Europe has no time to lose and must act now.

Trump talks endlessly about national security and critical raw materials in Greenland, but these arguments are not rational. The United States already has a military base in northern Greenland: Pituffik Space Base. In the past, the US even maintained several more military bases there, and it would be allowed to re-establish them if it wished. There is therefore no military necessity to annex Greenland. Secondly, the US already has access to Greenland’s rare earth minerals through trade. Greenland is open for business and fully willing to mine and export these resources. This is not about security or access to minerals; it is about imperialism.

Last April, I travelled to Greenland with a delegation from the European Parliament. My visit followed Trump’s first threats about the “annexation of Greenland.” He did not rule out military intervention. “I’m afraid,” the Greenlandic man sitting next to me on the plane told me. Other Greenlanders I spoke with were not only frightened, but also insulted after Donald Trump Jr., during a visit, reportedly offered random people money to wear MAGA hats. In Greenland’s close-knit island society, this was seen as deeply disrespectful: “Greenland is open for business, but not for sale.”

A Litmus Test for Europe

Research shows that 85 percent of Greenlanders oppose joining the United States. Greenland is a semi-autonomous territory within the Kingdom of Denmark and can become independent if a majority of Greenlanders choose that path. Parties advocating for gradually increasing independence from Denmark won last year’s elections. Greenland’s Prime Minister, Jens-Frederik Nielsen, addressed the European Parliament in October, thanking the EU for its reliability, support, and cooperation, all of which have had a positive impact on Greenlandic society.

Greenland is the litmus test of whether Europe can defend its own interests and citizens. The EU has its own version of Article 5, similar to NATO’s collective defence clause: Article 42.7 of the Treaty on European Union, which obliges member states to assist one another in the event of an attack. This clause also applies to territories of member states that are not formally part of the EU itself, such as Greenland. For the first time, the security threat does not come from outside the NATO alliance, but from within it. This is especially striking given that Denmark has long been one of America’s most loyal allies. Danish soldiers paid the highest price in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan relative to population size. An American attack on Greenland would mark the definitive end of the transatlantic alliance, NATO, and the European Union as we know them.

This is a turning point for Europe and confronts us with a profound dilemma. What do we do if the United States attempts to attack and annex Greenland? And more importantly: how do we use Europe’s power to prevent such a scenario from ever unfolding? Either we let it happen, or we draw a clear line in the sand. That is why Europe must not only pursue diplomatic efforts, but also be prepared to take firm measures.

The first priority is to reduce our dependence on the United States at speed. The humiliating flattery directed at “Daddy” Trump reflects the realization among European leaders that we remain dependent on America in defence, technology, and energy. That flattery may have bought us some time, but we are not using it effectively enough. Europe must move much faster on defence integration and capabilities. At the same time, we must reduce our technological dependence by agreeing now that within a few years all European governments will exclusively use European cloud services and software. Many European leaders still believe the United States will return to the old relationship after the midterms or the presidential election of 2028. But even if those elections are conducted fairly, the relationship has already been irreparably damaged. Appeasing Trump may buy us time, but it also gives him room to continue unchecked.

Sanctions

The second thing Europe must do is use its strength. We are economically stronger than we often realize. Europe is a vast consumer market, and the American economy depends on it. A European sanctions package should already be prepared in case the United States attempts to annex Greenland. The costs for the US must outweigh any potential gains. To achieve that, Europe must be willing to strike back hard at least once. Unlike authoritarian Russia, American society and politics are sensitive to economic pressure.

The third step is even more fundamental: reforming the European Union into a true United States of Europe, with a democratically elected government and a single foreign and security policy. Only such a political power can protect Europeans against the unpredictability of the 21st-century world order. These are enormous, costly, and difficult tasks, but they are necessary. The price we will pay for doing nothing will be far greater

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